| June 29,
2009
A single
payer system for California, as developed in my bills and, now,
in SB 810, establishes a universal health insurance system that
provides every California resident with comprehensive benefits
for life; puts your premiums, based on a small percentage of your
income and, for employers, a percentage of payroll, with no co-pays
or deductibles, directly into healthcare spending; allows you to
choose your own doctors, hospitals, dentists, eye care providers,
and other medical services, without limiting you to a network;
ensures the best use of your money by cutting the current 25% private
companies now spend for overhead to just 5%; and, through rewarding
excellence and sharing efficiencies and best practices, ensures
patient-centered, good quality health care for all Californians.
You can't lose the insurance if you lose or change your job. You
won't be turned down. The plan is fully funded with the money
we already spend on health care, which, last year, combining state,
federal, local and all premiums, co-pays, deductibles and out of
pocket expenses, totaled more than 200 billion dollars. The bill
eliminates wasteful insurance overhead, invests in electronic infrastructure
that improves quality while reducing cost, emphasizes prevention
and primary health care, and utilizes California's purchasing power
to realize savings on prescriptions and durable medical equipment.
What Does President Obama Want and What Is He Likely To Get?
In his campaign, and, again, since his election, President Obama
has said he thinks, if you like your current insurance, you should
be able to keep it. If you don't, there should be a "public
option", that is, an insurance plan offered by the federal government,
like Medicare, that you can choose as your insurance. The private
plans would be required to compete with the federal plan for excellence
and cost.
What the final plan will look like is far less certain, as powerful
forces are gathering to oppose the establishment of a public option. The
insurance companies have "offered" to accept that part
of the President's plan that would require them to take everyone
who applies. The cost of that, according to the companies,
however, would be that the President would have to sign off on an "individual
mandate" so that everyone would be required to buy insurance--a
great business move for the companies. This can only work if
the people have an affordable and adequate public option, which the
insurance companies are trying so desperately to kill.
So Let's Say You Want Single Payer...What Should You Do?
I've thought a good deal about the right answer to this and have
concluded that there will be a number of people who disagree no matter
what I say.
That said: I'll simply set out my opinion.
1. California's work on Single Payer can inform those developing
the Public Option.
I don't think it hurts the single payer movement in California to
strongly push for a public option in the federal healthcare reform
bill, so long as states are allowed, in the federal bill, to adopt
their own approach if it's more comprehensive. The President
has made it abundantly clear that he doesn't think a single payer
program will pass Congress. Nor does he think the country is
yet ready to embrace it after the right wing has demonized the idea
for so many years.
Our work in California has already had at least two very positive
effects:
---Our representatives who favor the inclusion of a public option
in the federal legislation report that they are hearing every day
from single payer advocates, which, they say, aids them in holding
the line, as they can say the public option is the very least their
constituents will accept.
---Our work in crafting a more than 100-page, fully mature, single
payer bill in California helps to inform the federal work in identifying
approaches that make healthcare less costly, make certain it is universal
and affordable, set forth a rationale for a minimum benefits package
in all plans, and establish a path to a central, electronic, database.
2. Single Payer Advocates Can Continue to Support SB 810 in
California
This is critical. It was in California that single payer went
from being a pie-in-the-sky communist plot to a widely accepted and
sane alternative to the rapaciousness of the private insurance companies. Continuing
to work this option here establishes the federal public option as
a middle ground solution.
3. We Can Also Lend Strong Voices to Insist On The Public Option
To shore up those in Congress and in the White House who are trying
to preserve a public option in the face of a tsunami of opposition
from the insurance companies, I recommend, at least, going to http//www.barackobama.com <http://rs6.net/tn.jsp?et=1102625588061&s=1169&e=001ss9NXQNLxjNdrdw5nM_mGRPlX2sgPpyz0xwYW8PqvG-8ib4_ByIolkib5GJehDvbGoU5nBpag-nQeqK5NvsnKg==> and
using the action center there to make calls, write letters to the
editor, sign up for events, tell stories, etc. It works in
our favor, as well, if, in every call and letter, you say that single
payer makes much more sense for the country, however, if we don't
get it this year, there must, at least, be a public option, etc.
etc. This helps to ratify how many single payer supporters
are out there as well as adding to the voices raised in support of
the public option.
If you want to be a bit more aggressive, Venice For Change and The
Courage Campaign are organizing phone banks for the week of July
6th to call the members of the House Committees who are marking up
the healthcare bill in Congress. Their script includes single
payer as an option and supports both single payer and the public
option. If you are interested in contacting them, let me know
on my email or let them know at Veniceforchange@gmail.com.
Get Involved!
September
30, 2008
2008 Essay #14: Arnold "Sweeney Todd" Schwarzenegger
This is my fourteenth essay for 2008. On September
30, the Governor finished wielding his veto pen and, in one sweeping
move, eliminated virtually every health reform measure that would
have regulated the health insurance company monopoly. Health
reform was not alone, bill after bill that would have benefited
consumers, drivers, people who breathe, people who drink
water, and just people who rely on their state government to protect
them, had its throat cut. Like the crazed and vengeful barber
in Sweeney Todd, Arnold slashed away at bills in a frenzy that
he said over and over reflected his anger at getting a late budget. Is
this any way to run a state? The obvious answer is no.
To add insult to injury, he put out a press release-- breathtaking
in its hyperbole and misdirection-- titled (try not to laugh) "Gov. Schwarzenegger
Signs Urgently Needed Legislation to Protect Consumers from Unfair Health Care
Practices."
This title takes even his chutzpah to a higher level. He protected no one,
except the insurance industry. As indicated below, he chose a few bills
that didn't really bother the industry and pretended that he had protected consumers. Nothing
could be further from the truth. This essay reviews the vetoes of health
reform legislation and the few bills signed that he is wearing as a fig leaf.
Visit my website at www.sen.ca.gov/kuehl <http://165.107.32.93:7010/www.sen.ca.gov/kuehl> to
read my previous essays. For those of you who received this essay by forwarding,
it is written by California State Senator Sheila Kuehl. If you wish to
subscribe to receive these essays on a continuing basis, (no charge), please
send an e-mail to Sheila.Kuehl@sen.ca.gov <http://165.107.32.93:7010/Sheila.Kuehl@sen.ca.gov> ,
titled "subscribe." If you receive it directly and wish you didn't....send
an e-mail to the same address, but title it "unsubscribe."
Health Reform Vetoes
It's important to understand that vetoes of health reform legislation
have very serious consequences.....because of these vetoes, there will continue
to be very little regulation of the runaway health insurance market and no protections
for consumers.
Universal Health Care
Of course, everyone expected Arnold to veto SB 840, the Universal
Health Care Act. His own plan, which failed to make it through the State
Senate Health Committee, which I chair, would have provided a major give-away
to the health insurance companies by requiring every Californian to buy health
insurance or face a penalty, with no caps on premiums, except for those who make
less than $25,000 a year. He has been consistently hostile to the Medicare-like
plan in SB 840 and vetoed it (for the second time) on September 30, citing a
study that did not even relate to the bill.
Vetoes of bills his staff worked on with members
In addition, however, the Governor stunned most of the reform advocates
by also vetoing bills his staff had been working on with authors, and which reflected
portions of his own bill. There are several examples. Let me begin
with one of my own bills, SB 1440. In 2006, I brought a bill requiring
health insurers to spend at least 85% of their premiums on care for their enrollees,
which garnered a firestorm of opposition from the insurance industry, and failed
in the Assembly.
Late in 2007, the Governor included this provision in his own bill, and, when
that failed, his staff and mine worked together on a stand-alone bill. We
took several amendments at his behest, all favorable to the industry, but he
vetoed it anyway, as a part of his bloodbath of health reform bills. Then
he had the audacity to write a nasty veto message saying the bill was a "one-sided,
piecemeal approach to healthcare reform" and add that His bill would have
been a total solution. Well, it would have been a total disaster, but he's
still smarting from not getting it.
Veto of Rescission Bill
In another stunning defeat for consumers, Arnold vetoed an important
bill by Assemblymember Hector de la Torre, AB 1945, that would have banned rescissions
by insurance companies of policies when misrepresentations by applicants were
not intentional and the companies had completed their (very thorough) investigations
of the application. Instead of signing a bill that would have actually
done something, Arnold had the temerity to tout his administration's "agreements" in
which companies promised that they wouldn't do that any more.....but his standards
are much weaker.
As a result of this veto, insurance companies can continue to rescind your policies
whenever they take a backward look and "discover" a misstatement on
your application. Poof....you never had a policy and must pay for all services
rendered, yourself.
Veto of Balance Billing bill
He vetoed a bill by Senate President pro Tempore Don Perata that
would have actually affected the practice of "balance billing" under
which health care providers now routinely bill patients when they do not receive
full amounts from insurance companies with whom they have not contracted. The
bill would have required a partial payment to the provider while working it out
between the doctor and the insurance company. The patient would not have
been billed. As a consequence of the veto, balance billing is allowed to
continue. See below for what Arnold claims he did about balance billing,
a complete sham.
Other Vetoes
He vetoed an important bill by Assembly Health Chair Mervyn Dymally
that would have improved access to the Major Risk Medical Insurance Program,
the last chance option for those unable to get insurance because of serious medical
disorders.
He vetoed a bill that would have required healthcare providers to tell patients
how long they would retain their records before destroying them, which, we were
surprised to discover, they do routinely.
He vetoed every bill that would have added mandated coverage in California policies
(and which the insurance companies said were Just Too Expensive).....maternity
services, mental health services, hearing aids, inborn errors of metabolism,
HPV vaccinations, you know, the sort of things you generally assume you might
be covered for. He vetoed a bill that would have required parity in deductibles
for durable medical equipment. Currently, if you need a wheelchair or crutches,
you have to pay much more than for other services by your insurance company.
Few Bills Signed but no Reform
The Governor did sign a few incremental bills, ones that would not
shake up the industry too much, and then, of course, ballyhooed them as if he
had signed real health reform legislation.
He signed a bill, which, most amazingly, he claims ends the practice of "balance
billing" under which healthcare providers, receiving only a pittance from
an insurance company for their services when they don?t even have a contract
with such a company, sends a bill to the patient for the "balance" of
the cost. Although there were several stronger bills before him, all of
which he vetoed, he signed one that disallows such a practice only for the Healthy
Families and Access for Infants and Mothers programs, both of which are paid
by the state! So you can be "balance billed" - he doesn't
care about that - so long as the state can't be.
Oh, but trust him, his Administration just issued new regulations about balance
billing, he just doesn't want them in statute.
He also signed bills requiring a hospital giving you treatment to tell your insurance
company, prohibiting an insurance company from revoking your coverage just because
someone else in your family lied on their application (duh!), and had already
signed a bill in July saying that insurance companies may not reward their employees
based on how many policies they rescind. How brave of him!
Don't Be Fooled
This guy is not on your side. Next essay: vetoes of
environmental legislation by the Jolly not-so-Green Giant.
LAO
Confirms Single Payer Reduces Health Care Spending, Contains
Annual Growth
Senator Sheila Kuehl
June 16, 2008
This is my fifth essay for 2008. I interrupt
my presentations on the current budget crisis to report on a confidential
analysis of SB 840, my legislation creating a single payer health
insurance system, requested by anonymous members of the Assembly
[the requesters’ names are not revealed, as a matter of course,
by the Legislative Analyst’s Office (LAO)] and conducted,
in the middle of their budget analyses, by the California Legislative
Analyst’s Office. My first 2008 essay was an update
on the 2007 “year of health reform”. The second set
out some background information on actions taken by the legislature
to re-balance the 2007-2008 budget given shrinking revenues. The
third reviewed the Governor’s budget as he presented it in
January of this year. This essay will analyze the LAO review
of a single payer system for California.
Visit my website at www.sen.ca.gov/kuehl to read my previous essays. For
those of you who received this essay by forwarding, it is written by California
State Senator Sheila Kuehl. If you wish to subscribe to receive these essays
on a continuing basis, (no charge), please send an e-mail to Sheila.Kuehl@sen.ca.gov,
titled “subscribe”. If you receive it directly and wish you
didn’t…..send an e-mail to the same address, but title it “unsubscribe”.
Why the Legislative Analyst Looked at SB 840
The LAO, in addition to their yearly on-going analysis of state spending and
the budget, receives requests from members of the Legislature to look at the
fiscal impacts on the state of various legislative measures. You may recall
that during the discussion of the omnibus health measure put forward by the Governor
and then-Speaker Fabian Nunez, Senate President pro-temps Don Perata asked the
Legislative Analyst’s Office to report on the potential impact of the bill
on State finances. In so doing, the LAO took into account a proposed funding
initiative the Governor had submitted for the next ballot go-round which, if
adopted by the people, would have set out a plan to fund the measure to be put
on the ballot later in the year.
The LAO’s report was presented to the Senate Health Committee and the programmatic
bill did not pass the Committee. The funding mechanism was not in front
of the Committee and did not go on the ballot.
Following the defeat of that bill, three members asked the LAO to analyze SB
840, not only for its impact on State spending (which was found to be favorable),
but also for the larger issues raised in funding the new program.
The new LAO report did not actually analyze SB 840
Although the LAO’s report clearly showed the kinds of savings a single
payer plan would provide for the State, workers, employers and private individuals,
it was not an assessment of SB 840. SB 840, now awaiting a hearing in the
Assembly Appropriations Committee, does not contain details concerning taxes,
premiums, expenses or other financial matters, but rather constructs a Blue Ribbon
Panel, made up of statewide officers, to research and propose the actual funding
mechanism and put it out for a vote of the people, along with the entire health
insurance plan.
This is made necessary by the fact that any change to state revenues that increases
revenues (even though all premiums for single payer would take the place of all
premiums, co-pays and deductibles now paid by those who are insured) must garner
a 2/3 vote in both houses. No Republican will vote for SB 840 and so, the
bill with the current Blue Ribbon Panel in it, needs only a majority vote to
go to the Governor’s desk.
What the LAO found
The LAO study confirmed that a single payer health care system saves money and
lowers the rate at which health care costs grow each year. This has always
been the main argument for single payer – the total monies devoted to health
care spending in California in any given year are more than enough to guarantee
comprehensive universal health care to all Californians.
Generally, the LAO report agreed with the findings of the Lewin Group study of
2006 with regard to the impact of single payer on the growth in health care spending
and found that Lewin’s projections for the legislation’s impact on
health care spending were reasonable. Like Lewin, the LAO analysis identified
substantial savings on administrative costs, bulk purchasing of drugs and durable
medical equipment, and confirmed that it would lower the rate at which costs
grow every year.
Lewin Group Report of January, 2005
Early in 2005, at the request of several independent health advocacy groups,
the Lewin Group, a non-partisan independent national group of analysts specializing
in health care costs, took a year-long look at SB 921, my single payer bill introduced
in the 2003-2004 session. The Lewin Group reported that the bill, when enacted,
would save more than 29 billion dollars in current costs which could be used
toward covering the uninsured in California and reducing total health spending
in California by 8 billion dollars in the first year alone.
The plan was proposed to cover every Californian with a comprehensive insurance
policy with no limitation on choice of doctors or other healthcare professionals.
This year, LAO took Lewin numbers and inflated them forward
The members asking questions of the LAO did not ask her to estimate the amount
by which SB 840 would lower health care spending in the year it was enacted,
they only asked her to estimate whether the funding system, modeled to fund the
bill in 2006, would fund it in 2011, following 5 years of rampant health care
inflation. Unsurprisingly, the LAO found that a funding model set up for
health care spending in 2006 would not be enough, as is, in 2011 (in addition
to adding in a large reserve in the first year, rather than phasing it in). In
fact, the deficit projected by the LAO can largely be looked at as the cost to
the state created by the Governor’s veto of SB 840 in 2006. Failing
implementation that year, costs have ballooned, and, because the state is an
employer, as well as the safety net for so many residents, those costs have fed
into the current unprecedented budget crisis.
In fact, many of our budget problems are linked to our failure to address the
ruinous growth in health care spending over the last decade. California
buys a lot of health care – we pay for it directly though social programs
and we also purchase a great deal of insurance as employers. If health
care costs grow 2-3 times faster than wages, and the taxes which pay for that
health care are a function of wages, then it’s pretty easy to understand
that we are standing in a hole and proceeding to dig ourselves deeper each year.
Need for Single Payer greater than ever
The main lesson of the Analyst’s report is that the people and employers
of California are continuing to pay escalating healthcare costs while wages and
payrolls are flatlining. Those costs are a drain on our already shaky economic
outlook. SB 840 will bring stabilization to the healthcare crisis and,
since the Blue Ribbon Panel will have flexibility to adjust the details of premium
proposals, single payer is still our best answer.
"Year
of Health Reform": Take Two: Lessons for the Next Attempt
Senator Sheila Kuehl
May 8, 2008
It's been over a year since Governor Schwarzenegger
decided to join the decades-long debate on health reform, and I'm
actually quite pleased that he's indicated he will continue to
focus on health reform in the years remaining in his administration. It
may not have been clear to the Governor, but we always knew that
the sheer magnitude of the needed reforms would take more than
just one year to achieve. Any success to be gained on his "second
try," however, will require a very different approach, both
in terms of policy and in terms of politics.
Predictably, a number of interests in Sacramento have attempted to characterize
the failure of the Governor's and the Speaker's bill as the victim of uncompromising
single payer proponents on the left and powerful insurance companies on the right,
as though the Governor's plan was "just right" in a three-bears, middle
of two-extremes, spin. In fact, the Governor's plan appropriately fell
because of the Governor's own reluctance to make the difficult policy decisions
necessary for the plan to be in any way affordable to the state as well as to
businesses and individuals, but which would have stirred up strong opposition
from insurance companies.
Simply put, insurance companies will not support any plan that would prevent
them from continuing to raise premiums 2-3 times faster than wages, limits that
must be imposed in order for any long term financing to work. In the positive
column, the Governor's plan included a number of reforms needed, if insurance
companies were to be retained, that would have regulated (read wrestled) them
into good behavior. It required insurers to accept all patients, to spend
a minimum amount on actual care, and to refrain from singling out sick patients
for unaffordably high premiums.
Unfortunately, it contained nothing that would have made premiums affordable
for the vast majority of Californians, all of whom would have been required by
the law to buy health insurance. The "subsidies" contained in
the plan were only for very low income families (not a bad thing) and, except
for those at the very poor end of the scale, would have partially subsidized
premiums but left families to pay whatever co-pays and deductibles were set by
the companies.
It's also worthwhile to refresh everyone's memory that labor
unions and health care advocates who ostensibly "supported" the Governor's
compromise plan did not register a support position with the Senate Health Committee,
but rather indicated they supported the bill only if it were amended. The
requested amendments, which were lengthy and substantive, were rejected by the
Governor and the vaunted "support" was actually no support at all.
(If you are interested in seeing the support if amended section of the health
committee analysis, go to http://www.leginfo.ca.gov/pub/07-08/bill/asm/ab_0001-0050/abx1_1_cfa_20080125_153139_sen_comm.html It's
a very long analysis, and the support if amended section begins on page 94).
If there is any clear lesson to be gained, it's that any large reform (single
payer or other) must directly take on the insurance companies and must protect
consumers against skyrocketing premiums and out of pocket expenses. Anything
short of that is fatally doomed, both politically and in practice.
On the Recent Field Poll
A recent Field Poll has been characterized, by the sound-bite pundits, as concluding
that a majority of Californians would have supported the "major provisions
of his proposal". This is a mistaken conclusion. First, it assumes
that the Field Poll questions presented the major provisions of the plan, both
pro and con, which it did not. The poll did not ask, for example, whether
respondents favored mandating individuals to purchase private health insurance
without limiting how much premiums could grow each year. This means that
the poll results regarding the Governor's plan are of limited use in assessing
how respondents would have voted had the proposal been brought to the voters
in a statewide election.
Interestingly the same Field poll showed that the California Nurses Association
have the highest favorable rating for their role in the debate, a great deal
higher than any other person or organization involved. The nurses
are rightly seen by the public as fighting to protect the interests of patients,
which, in this debate, involved opposing the Governor's plan and explaining why
single payer meets the needs of consumers and the state without the problems
raised by the Governor's plan.
Even as the Governor tiptoes around offending insurance companies, the Field
poll reveals just how much the public is fed up with them--no surprise considering
their recent legal troubles for rescinding coverage when patients get sick as
well as systematically improperly denying needed care. Couple these transgressions
with the steady gutting of benefits and increasing of cost sharing, all the while
grossly inflating premiums, and it's easy to understand the public outrage. While
insurers pretend they are taking these actions in order to contain costs, they
have been painfully slow to take those steps that have been proven to improve
health outcomes and save money, like chronic disease management, preventive medicine,
and investing in health information technologies.
What has not been widely reported is that the Field poll actually found significantly
diminished support for employer sponsored health insurance, and lower support
for "individual responsibility" since the last poll in 2006. In contrast,
the poll documented a surge of 9 full percentage points in support of "Government
Provided Health Care", which is one of the more unfavorable descriptions
of single payer, and which does not even present the fact that, under single-payer,
health care would continue to be privately delivered, while being funded publicly
through premiums shared by government, employers and individuals.
Most importantly for us, the Field poll shows that the investment by single payer
advocates in steady community organizing and education is paying off big time. Since
2002, universal health care advocates have rallied around Senate Bill 840 (Kuehl)
the California Universal Health Care Act. These advocates have formed the
OneCareNow coalition, made up of hundreds of supporting organizations around
the state. The coalition has prioritized community education about universal
health care and sponsored hundreds of public educational events throughout the
year, and they are just getting started.
The unmistakable trend toward single payer is documented by other polls, including
a recent survey of U.S. physicians that found a 10 percentage point jump since
2002 in support for government legislation to establish national health insurance.
There you have it. Two years of health reform with the Governor in the
spotlight has resulted in a 9 percentage point jump in favor of single payer
and diminished support for other policy options. Single payer supporters
have always known that the more people think about health reform, the more they
support single payer. We are winning.
Major Surge in
Support for National Health Insurance among U.S. Physicians,
New Study Finds: Solid majority support government legislation
to establish national health insurance
April 1, 2008
Contact: Sara Rogers
(916) 651-4023
Sacramento
According to the new statewide poll by the Field
Institute, released yesterday, the number of Californians who would
prefer to receive their health care coverage "through the
government" has risen by 9 percentage points since the last
poll in 2006, and now stands at 31%, while those who prefer that
individuals take responsibility for their own coverage dropped
6 percentage points to 20%, and those preferring employer sponsored
coverage declined 4 percentage points to 38%,. "Government
provided health coverage" was the only policy option showing
an increase in support.
Since 2002, universal health care advocates have rallied around
Senate Bill 840 (Kuehl) the California Universal Health Care Act.
These advocates have formed the OneCareNow coalition, made up of
hundreds of supporting organizations around the state. The coalition
has prioritized community education about universal health care
and sponsored hundreds of public educational events throughout
the year.
"This poll shows that the investment by single payer advocates
in steady community organizing and education
is paying off," Senator Kuehl said. "These advocates, working
under the radar of most politicos in Sacramento, have played a big
part in the fact that people's attitudes are changing very very quickly;
I think we're closer than ever to universal health care in California."
The Field poll notes that, of all the major participants in last
years health reform debate, Californians had far and away the most
favorable view of the California Nurses Association, a lead proponent
of single payer universal health care and SB 840 (Kuehl).
The field poll also documents the dramatic unpopularity of health
insurance companies with 55% of respondents having an unfavorable
view of the role they played in last years debate.
The poll also found that 88% of Californians are concerned with
rising out of pocket costs for health insurance coverage, and that
81% of Californians are concerned that they will not be able to
pay for all the costs associated with a major illness or injury – even
though a large majority of these respondents have some form of
health insurance coverage.
The poll additionally found that 67% of Californians believe that
insurance costs should be shared by individuals, employers and
the government, the precise funding sources identified in Kuehl's
proposal.
"Californians want everyone covered, regardless of their
health condition, they want everyone to pay something reasonable
and affordable -- government, individuals and employers--and they
don't want to worry about not being able to pay their medical bills
if they get sick. Single-payer universal health care is the only
proposal on the table that provides all these factors," stated
Senator Kuehl. "The problems that Californians are experiencing
with their health care are due to the fact that health care costs
are rising 2-3 times faster than their wages, and all the insurance
companies want to do is deny, delay and rescind."
Notably, the Field poll did not ask respondents if they were concerned
that premiums were rising nor if they would support an individual
mandate if the costs of premiums and out of pocket expenses were
not capped.
Notably, the Field poll did not ask respondents if they were concerned
that premiums were rising nor if they would support an individual
mandate if the costs of premiums and out of pocket expenses were
not capped.
The Field Poll follows a recent study published in the leading
medical journal, Annals of Internal Medicine, which found that
59% of U.S. physicians now support government legislation to establish
national health insurance, reflecting an increase of 10 percentage
points from the 2002 study.
Major
Surge in Support for Natiional Health Insurance among U.S. Physicians,
New Study Finds
Sara Rogers
April 1, 2008
Sacramento – The call for publicly funded health
insurance received a major boost Tuesday after
recent findings that a solid majority of U.S. physicians now support
national health insurance,
according to a new study published in today’s Annals of Internal
Medicine, a prominent U.S.
medical journal. Importantly, the study cites an overall trend of
growing support among physicians
in favor of national health insurance across a broad range of specialties
since 2002, when a similar
study was conducted.
The 2008 study found that 59% of U.S. physicians now support government
legislation to establish
national health insurance, reflecting an increase of 10 percentage
points from the 2002 study, at
which time 49% of physicians were in support. The increase in support
for national health insurance
is mirrored by a decline in opposition among doctors, from 40% in
2002 down to 32% in 2008.
Support among doctors for national health insurance has increased
across almost all medical
specialties, said Dr. Ronald T. Ackermann, associate director of
the Center for Health Policy and
Professionalism Research at Indiana University’s School of
Medicine and co-author of the study.
Dr. Aaron E. Carroll, Director of Indiana University's Center for
Health Policy and Professionalism
Research and lead author of the study, commented: "Many claim
to speak for physicians and reflect
their views. We asked doctors directly and found that, contrary to
conventional wisdom, most
doctors support the government creating national health insurance."
California State Senator Sheila Kuehl, author of legislation to establish
a publicly funded health
insurance system in California, cited the study as evidence that
health care providers are unsatisfied
with private health insurance and are ready to support a system where
health care is publicly funded
but privately delivered, similar to what she has proposed with SB
840.
“Physicians see, first hand, how insurance companies are dismantling
the U.S. health care system in
terms of affordability, access and quality”, stated Senator
Kuehl. “This study mirrors the steady
growth in support that we’ve been seeing among the public,
generally, as well as nurses and other
health care providers. The public is way ahead of the politicians
on this issue.”
Major Surge in Support for National Health Insurance among U.S. Physicians,
New Study Finds
Solid majority support government legislation to establish national
health insurance
For Immediate Release:
April 1, 2008
Contact: Sara Rogers
(916) 651-4023
Single
Payer: It's Time to Have Hope
By Sara Rogers, Consultant, Health
“Politically feasible” is just another way of saying
that folks are scared to stand up to insurance companies. I don’t
accept that. It’s time to take a stand for what we really
want. It’s time to have hope.
- Senator Sheila Kuehl
SB 840 is alive and well in the Assembly Appropriations committee,
much further along in the legislative process than it was in 2006,
just before its historical passage out of both houses of the legislature
and onto the Governor’s desk. Legislative
deadlines for passage out of fiscal committees aren’t until August 15th
and, between now and then, grassroots organizing and education efforts are really
taking off. Every day, Senator Kuehl and her staff receive requests for
presentations regarding SB 840, the truly universal healthcare bill.
On Sunday, January 27th and Monday, January 28th, the American Medical Students’ Association
held their hugely successful third annual rally and lobby day in Sacramento,
which included a day long training that drew nearly 400 med students from all
over the state. The fact that so many overworked medical students spent
an entire weekend, even taking a rare day off from school, to advocate for single
payer health care shows an unparalleled level of dedication and passion. AMSA
students give every single payer supporter hope and inspiration as they push
for passage of the bill.
Single payer advocates are also busy preparing for a historical strategy summit
taking place in Los Angles later this month that will bring together representatives
from the broad coalition of organizations dedicated to bringing single payer
to California. The summit demonstrates the unprecedented development of the organized
and operational single payer movement necessary to bring universal health care
to California. It’s the kind of grassroots movement that has been
largely absent in the history of health reform, and it’s just one example
of the changing landscape of health care politics.
On that note, my “leisure” reading lately is a book called, One
Nation Uninsured: Why the US Has No National Health Insurance. It
chronicles the 20th century’s long line of failed attempts at achieving
national health insurance. There’s an unmistakable pattern to each
major attempt, in that there seems have been an attempt once every decade and,
each time national health insurance is within our grasp, it is defeated with
a capitulatory “compromise”.
I couldn’t help but notice that, historically, the compromises are forged
by the exact same powerful interests every time, working like scavengers randomly
picking through the ideas of national health insurance, with little consideration
given to whether any “reform” was actually going to improve the health
care system for the average American.
In fact, a century of such “health care reform” has brought our health
care system to the point where it is deeply fragmented, unimaginably costly and
the least effective system in the entire developed world at delivering either
health or care. I can’t help but wonder where we might have been
in terms of universal health care had proponents not forfeited their goal quite
so fast.
Most striking? The grassroots role that physicians repeatedly played in
defeating national health insurance. The American Medical Association functioned
as an exceptionally effective grassroots movement that was embedded in every
community across the nation. They organized education and lobbying campaigns
against universal health care, labeling their efforts as “protecting the
public health”. They hired PR consultants who admitted that they
were attempting to label national health insurance as “socialized medicine” for
the simple reason that Americans were opposed to socialism.
The litmus test for “politically feasible” has historically been
largely defined by where doctors, insurers, business and labor stood on the issue. Throughout
the last century, there was no grassroots group as singularly focused on the
passage of single payer health care as the physicians and insurers were opposed
to it. That’s changed considerably, especially in California, as
the 500 or so organizations that support SB 840 continue their evolution into
an effective coalition that works tirelessly (and largely under the radar of
many in Sacramento) to educate and organize Californians on universal health
care.
More importantly, groups that traditionally oppose single payer, like physicians,
are no longer unified against it. The American College of Physicians made
history last year in their endorsement of single payer and the California Medical
Association includes a large and growing minority of members that strongly support
single payer. The American Medical Students Association has quickly risen
to become one of the most passionate and inspired groups advocating for passage
of SB 840. Another powerful provider group, the California Nurses Association
has gone “all in” for single payer and is working in much the same
way for single payer as the American Medical Association once worked to oppose
it. Their dedication unites with that of organizations like Health Care
for All – California, school employees, the League of Women Voters, retired
teachers, and others who are deeply embedded in communities across the state.
The lesson that advocates of single payer should take from history is to observe
how the AMA was able to defeat national health insurance through steady community
education and organizing. This is why single payer has the best shot, politically,
as well as on a policy basis, for winning passage. Only single-payer boasts
the kind of unified and dedicated grassroots movement for something that makes
large reform possible.
In the midst of an unprecedented and inspiring presidential primary, the theme
for 2008 is unmistakable - it’s time to have hope.
ABX1-1 fails
to pass in the Senate Health Committee
Senator Sheila Kuehl
January 29, 2008
PLEDGE TO CONTINUE WORK FOR TRUE HEALTHCARE REFORM
After an exhaustive hearing last Wednesday, praised by Democrats and Republicans
alike for its fairness and depth, on Monday, January 28, the State Senate
Health Committee voted to hold, rather than pass, ABX11, a bill that most committee
members characterized as flawed, but, nonetheless, a step forward in an ongoing
process toward comprehensive healthcare reform.
After the vote, Senator Sheila Kuehl, Chair of the Committee, and author of a
separate healthcare bill, SB 840, now moving through the Assembly, released the
following statement:
There is no question that the Speaker and the Governor, as
well as Secretary of HHS, Kim Belshe, worked diligently on putting ABX1 together. However,
after a ten and a half hour hearing last week, including a report by the Legislative
Analyst's Office, revealed major flaws in the funding assumptions
contained in the bill, I agree with the action of the Senate Health Committee
in deciding not to move the bill to the Appropriations Committee and the Floor
of the Senate for a later vote.
As Senators Yee and Alquist indicated in their statements, explaining why they
could not now vote for this bill, the bill as it is currently written does nothing
to protect working class and middle class people from being burdened, to the
point of breaking, by the individual mandate that requires each Californian to
buy health insurance without adequate protection against unaffordable premiums
and escalating out-of-pocket expenses. Furthermore, as Senator Steinberg
reminded us, we must conclude, especially after seeing the report from the Legislative
Analyst, this bill's proposed revenues and expenses do not
balance out and will leave the state exposed to increasing deficit costs as well.
As Chair of the Senate Health Committee, I promise that California will continue
to move on the issue of healthcare reform. All over the state, people are letting
us know that they are fed up with seeing their health insurance premiums rise,
their coverage drop and their out of pocket expenses increasing every year. Just
today, we heard from over 400 medical students in the Capitol to lobby for SB
840 that they simply want to be paid a fair reimbursement for the work they will
do and who also don't want to be put in the position of trying
to extract every last dime from patients who already pay for insurance.
We in the State Senate will continue to work with the Assembly, the Governor's
office and with all stakeholders to put forward a healthcare reform plan that
will go beyond fixing symptom after symptom and give the real cure: universal,
affordable, choose-your own doctor, comprehensive coverage.
Last Essay
for 2007
Senator Sheila Kuehl
December 17, 2007
This is my
seventh and last essay for 2007. As I write, the Assembly
has just passed Speaker Fabian Nunez’ healthcare bill and
it’s on its way to the Senate and a hearing in the Senate
Heath Committee in January. A number of people have called
and emailed asking for my take on the bill and this essay will
give some analysis.
Visit my website at www.sen.ca.gov/kuehl <http://www.sen.ca.gov/kuehl> to
read my previous essays. For those of you who received this essay by forwarding,
it is written by California State Senator Sheila Kuehl. If you wish to
subscribe to receive these essays on a continuing basis, (no charge), please
send an e-mail to Sheila.Kuehl@sen.ca.gov <mailto:Sheila.Kuehl@sen.ca.gov> ,
titled “subscribe”. If you receive it directly and wish you
didn’t…..send an e-mail to the same address, but title it “unsubscribe”.
“Giant Leap” for Health Coverage? Or for premiums...
The press has described the bill in breathless prose as a “giant leap” for
health coverage. Unfortunately, this is not quite the case, depending on
who you are and how and where you work. Each of the sections below will
explain some of the provisions of the bill actually harmful to regular, working-class
and middle-class families. And it provides less help than advertised for
poor families, as well.
Coverage for everyone?
The press characterizes the bill as “providing” or “extending” coverage
to all but a few Californians.
This is a mischaracterization, nothing is “provided”. Instead,
all Californians would be required to buy insurance with no caps on premiums,
no regulation of the cost of insurance or medical expense, no maximum deductibles,
and no floor on how little coverage you can buy and satisfy the legal requirement.
If you do not buy insurance within 62 days after the requirement kicks in, the
Franchise Tax Board is authorized to collect premiums determined by the Managed
Risk Medical Insurance Board by garnishment of wages or mortgage liens.
Your employer would be required to spend from 1% to 6.5% of payroll (depending
on the size of the payroll) to buy insurance policies for employees. Employees
would be required to take the insurance and to pay whatever supplemental premiums,
co-pays and out of pocket costs are not paid by the employer. There are
no caps on what the employee would pay, only for the employer. There is
a vague term about “hardship” letting people out of the mandate,
but no definition is offered and, as in Massachusetts, if you are excused from
the mandatory purchase of insurance, you simply have no insurance!
If your employer does not wish to spend 1% to 6.5% of payroll on your insurance,
he or she must pay the same amount into a state fund, and employees of those
employers will be required to buy their insurance through the state fund, again
with no cap on premiums and no floor on coverage.
Is there at least minimum coverage required in the bill?
No. For the State Fund, for those employers who choose to pay into it,
the Managed Risk Medical Insurance Board will set the minimum coverage (what
you get for your premiums, what conditions, services, treatments, are covered
by your insurance), which will not appear in statute. For those who buy insurance
on the open, private market, and those whose employers pay total or partial premiums
for insurance chosen by the employer, as well as for self-employed folks, there
is no minimum coverage in the bill. One woman reported to me that she had
a bare-bones, catastrophic policy and, upon being rushed to the hospital, received
the bill for the ambulance ride that got her there, placed on her chest, as she
was carried into the hospital.
How is the bill to be financed?
There is no funding in the bill. Instead, there is the promise of an initiative,
no language available yet, to tax cigarettes at an additional $1, $1.50 or $2
a pack, tax hospitals in order to draw down federal money which would then go
back, to a great extent, to the public hospitals, and require employers to pay
a portion of their employees premiums, as indicated above. There is also
a hope that the federal government will provide more money for children’s
insurance. Instead, of course, the federal government is cutting children’s
insurance such that the California Legislature will meet in emergency session
in January to disenroll children from Healthy Families. Everything else
would be paid for by premiums, co-pays and deductibles.
In addition, if the Director of Finance finds that the state cannot afford all
the promises made in the bill, the bill goes away. Or does it? There
needs to be clarification that, if the initiative fails, we’re not still
stuck with an individual mandate to buy insurance.
But how do poor people fare.....today’s uninsured?
Better, but still a hardship. Healthy Families coverage for children would
allow those whose families who earn up to $40,500 for one adult and one child
to be covered (children only) by state or federal money. (federal cuts
mean we already have to kick kids off this program, see above). Since the
bill allows all children, even those with undocumented parents, to be covered,
but the feds won’t pay for those children, there will be increased state
costs in Healthy Families. (see budget discussion below)
Families whose income is at or less than $43,000 for a family of three would
be “subsidized” for their premiums only. This means they would
be required to pay an unspecified amount for premiums and receive an unspecified
amount from the state budget to help. There is no subsidy for co-pays,
deductibles or out of pocket (uninsured) expenses associated with their policies,
which could be sizeable if they bought a minimal policy.
Families who earn between $43,000 and $68,680 for a family of three would be
allowed to pay full boat for their uncapped premiums and then deduct any part
of the premium that exceeds 5.5% of their income as a tax credit, refunded dollar
for dollar by state money. (again, see budget discussion, below). There
is no tax credit for their required co-pays, deductibles or out of pocket (uninsured)
expenses, which could be big if they purchased a minimal policy.
But insurance companies would be required to take everyone
That is correct. However, they are allowed to offer minimal coverage set
by the Managed Risk Medical Insurance Board (minimum coverage that may be offered
is not specified in the bill) and there is no control over their premiums or
deductibles.
In addition, they are allowed to adjust their premiums, not by medical condition,
but by age and other demographic factors.
The companies are required to spend 85% of premiums on care, but they maintain
they do that now, and count marketing, information technology and other kinds
of administrative overhead as “care”. The bill would allow
this characterization to continue.
Unions seem to like the bill, don’t they?
Well, some of them. SEIU, who has organized and hopes to organize healthcare
workers is positively salivating over the bill, to the extent that their national
leader, Andy Stern, is engineering moving out the current state leader, who has
questioned the bill, in favor of a new leader who will go along with it. AFSCME
has also come on board with the bill, thinking that public employees will benefit. (However,
with all the hits the bill brings on the state budget, this may be short sighted). About
half of the unions in the California Labor Federation are with it, and half are
against it but not taking a firm position. The California Nurses, the California
School Employees and the Teamsters, among others, are strongly in opposition.
Many other troubling sections in the bill. (1) rescission
While we are struggling to keep insurance companies from rescinding policies
of beneficiaries who do nothing wrong except try to use their insurance, the
bill takes a step backward by applying the “no retroactive rescission” language
only to HMO’s and not to all insurers.
Troubling (2), no choice of doctors or hospitals
Your insurance company tells you who is in their provider network. Employers
are not required to give a range of choices. The state fund would give
a range of choices, as soon as they are determined by the Managed Risk Medical
Insurance Board.
Troubling (3), more unsupervised healthcare workers
Nurse Practitioners and Physician’s Assistants would be allowed, by the
bill, to give written instructions (not personal supervision) to medical assistants
in retail clinics, such as those proposed for Wal Mart, and the assistants would
be allowed to give medication. Currently they can do so in specific clinic
settings. The bill removes this requirement.
So, what’s next?
The bill goes over to the Senate, into the Senate Rules Committee, which then
refers it to the Senate Health Committee and any other committees that should
hear it before it goes to the Floor. There may be a hearing on the bill
in Senate Health on January 16th, but only if the language of the bill is in
its final form according to its author, the Speaker, the requested analysis of
the impact of the State Budget by the Legislative Analyst’s Office is complete,
and the Committee also has the language of the proposed initiative that will,
supposedly, fund the bill. Any organizations wishing to support or oppose
the bill may send their letters to the Senate Health Committee in Sacramento. The
bill may be read online at www.leginfo.ca.gov <http://www.leginfo.ca.gov> . Press
the button for Bill Information and type in ABX1 1 and click on what comes up. The
author is Speaker Nunez.
Senate
Floor Statement from Senator Sheila Kuehl
Re: Assembly Bill 8
9/10/07
Mr. President and Colleagues:
As you know, I have been working
to secure real healthcare reform in California for a number of
years now. Along with my continuing authorship of SB 840,
the single payer universal health care bill, I’ve also actively
participated with other authors trying to craft incremental attempts
to reform the health insurance market.
This year, as the
chair of the Senate Health Committee, I’ve
seen my mission as making certain that everything got appropriately
vetted and discussed, while at the same time, continuing to build
support for 840. Activists, supporters, organizations, and
the panoply of more than 700 organizations, those that the press
refers to as the “grassroots”, have done a magnificent
job in building support for single payer.
This year, as I watched
leadership and the administration try to craft a plan different
from SB 840, an alternative health reform plan that might expand
coverage this year, while preserving the role of insurance companies,
the experience taught me why health reform has actually been so
difficult to do over the past few years, and why every proposed
solution just seems to bring out new and often even bigger problems.
The
attempts fail because, until we squarely face the fact that premiums
imposed by the insurance companies are rising 3-4 times faster
than wages every year, all the reforms that keep those insurance
companies firmly in place are doomed to failure. The same
is true of AB 8, which we are considering today.
As currently drafted,
it doesn’t pencil out in terms of money,
it doesn’t pencil out in terms of who’s paying what,
and, frankly, it definitely doesn’t pencil out for consumers.
Our
failing health care system has often been compared to the Titanic,
and I’ve said in the past that attempts at reform are nothing
but attempts to rearrange the deck chairs. AB 8, for a change,
is actually trying to turn the boat. But some of you may
know that, in fact, had the Titanic faced the iceberg head on,
it would have survived, at least long enough to save most of its
passengers. Turning the ship only partially was actually
its downfall. It’s clear to me that that is also the
problem with AB 8.
Our health insurance company driven system has
responded to runaway health care spending by dismantling the entire
system. The
only questions they ask are “How many people can we turn
away; how many of our clients can we kick out, how many people
can we underinsure?” Rather than working to contain
spending in a patient centered manner, they’ve created huge
profits for themselves by raising premiums, cutting benefits, and
limiting access in countless ways.
So the governor was quite correct
to say “Let’s have
a year of health reform.” Unfortunately, however, it
became more of a Year of Magical Thinking, with apologies to Joan
Didion for stealing her title. All the Governor has really
done is to say, “I am sure we can solve this in nine months. Let’s
hurry up and do it”.
To the credit of the authors of AB 8,
they have worked and worked to try to do a good bill within the
context of keeping the insurance companies in place.
They have said
we will cap what employers have to pay and we will cap what employees
have to pay. What remains uncapped are
the premiums that the companies can charge for all this reform.
We
have been told there is no individual mandate in this bill, but
that is incorrect. If an employer pays into the pool,
as their choice of how to spend their 7.5% of payroll contribution,
then their employees must buy insurance from the pool. Only
if the healthcare costs of those same employees would exceed 5%
of their gross income can these employees be let out of the requirement
to buy it, and what happens then? They are simply either
uninsured or they can “choose” to pay the inflated
premiums that might be heaped on them. For those employees
whose employer puts 7.5% of payroll into insurance for his or her
own employees, those employees are then required to”take
up” the employer’s insurance offer.
And again, if “accepting” the
employer’s insurance
plan will cost them more than 5% of their wages, they don’t
have to take up the offer which means they’re not going to
be insured either if they can’t afford the higher premiums.
The
bill has come a long way, even since it went through the health
committee, and I can understand why many of the unions are now
in support of the bill because of the affordability provisions
added to the bill.
But there are still also major problems with
the coverage provisions. Your employer might offer you a plan that
costs you a little bit less than 5 % of your gross income for the
year, and you would have to buy it, but it might not cover what
you need. It might be a minimal plan, a catastrophic plan. It
might not have the drugs that you need for the condition you have
- for cancer, for AIDS, etc. As we’ve seen in the last
few months, it might not even cover pregnancy.
AB 8 also has an
entirely separate insurance pool for an undefined group of people
with “serious” conditions. We
don’t know if that’s chronic conditions, we don’t
know who will be in that pool. And frankly there’s
no protection for them in terms of what they might have to pay.
So
I see a number of real flaws in this much improved bill.
I continue
to believe that the movement that’s been building
for single payer, a movement that has seen support for a single
payer universal healthcare system more than double over the last
six months alone, will continue to build in ’08 in‘09
in 2010. Then, with a new governor, perhaps there might finally
be a chance to get a signature on the bill that is actually the
best solution for businesses, for employees, and for all the people
in California. Because if you take the insurance companies
out of the system, and they are the only entity that adds no value
at all to the provision of healthcare, the overall costs for healthcare
in California drop $19 billion in the first year alone, simply
because we’re finally not paying their inflated overhead
and profit.
So I am a no vote on this bill.
I praise those who have been working
on this bill for trying. But
I encourage those who believe this bill is deeply flawed to join
me in voting no.
I know that my colleagues on the other side of
the aisle have problems different from my own and will not vote
for it. For those
who will vote for it on my side, I understand you are voting your
hopes. Many of you also have told me you know that 840 is
the only real solution.
So I’m also asking you to stay
with me on SB 840; it’s
not going to the Governor for a veto. Next year we’ll
continue to develop it, hold it up as the right standard for California,
and work with everyone we can, until the day when we understand
that facing the iceberg head on is the only way we are going to
save everyone on the ship.
Health Reform and the
Year of Magical Thinking
by Senator Sheila James Kuehl
August 31, 2007
The Year of Magical Thinking is the title of a memoir by
Joan Didion detailing her state of denial, inexplicable behaviors
and, finally, coming to grips with, the death of her husband. It’s
also an apt description of the Governor’s 2007 approach to
reforming our broken healthcare system, with the glaring difference
that he still hasn’t come to grips with the truth. (After
all, if a complicated movie plot could be resolved in less than
two hours, why not fix healthcare in California in nine months?)
Beginning in January, the Governor ordered his health advisors to sketch the
outlines of a plan that would magically “cover” all Californians
by simply requiring them to buy health insurance. To this moment, he has
refused to negotiate any of his major points with the Legislature. The
language for his plan was finally drafted five months later, and shown, under
wraps, to a few, select people. Not one legislator agreed with it, and
no one would carry the bill as legislation.
To fill the void raised by the Governor’s magical “we must do something
this year” drumbeat, the Democratic leaders began crafting their own reform
plan. To date, however, the Governor and the Legislative leadership have
remained oceans apart on the broad policy strokes of health care while public
support for the current insurance-company controlled system has plummeted and
support for the reforms contained in SB 840, the Medicare-like fix for California,
has grown.
Now, with less than two weeks remaining in the first half of the two-year legislative
session, there is still no “something” on the table and the Governor,
like a Barnum and Bailey’s ring leader, continues to announce that he will,
assuredly, pull a rabbit out of a black hat. Actually, there is no way
of knowing if the result would really be a rabbit; it could just as easily be
an albatross.
The Governor has further limited discussion by announcing that he would veto
both of the legislative proposals that have actually been introduced as real
bills. SB 840, by far the most carefully crafted, transparent and fully vetted
bill, will remain in the Legislature until next year, since sending it down to
him for a veto would end any consideration of single payer until 2009. The
individual mandate provisions in the Governor’s pronouncement are being
emphatically rejected by virtually all stakeholders representing the people who
would be forced to pay uncapped premiums. The percentages to be paid by
employers and individuals, hospitals and doctors, people in a “pool” and
those outside, those above differing percentages of the poverty scale and those
below, are so far apart in the Governor’s pronouncements and the Speaker’s
bill, you could drive trucks through the gaps. The Governor’s lynchpin
financial mechanism of a provider tax remains submerged under the very murky
water of a 2/3 vote. What convoluted compromise might be devised in a last-minute
attempt is anyone’s guess.
Nonetheless, we are told that, unless we agree to pass a yet-to-be hastily drafted
bill that incidentally may be the biggest reform proposal ever attempted in health
care, and pass it in two weeks, thus completely bypassing the entire political
process and any semblance of open public input, we’ve completely failed
and health reform is doomed forever. Please.
The prospect of legislative staff, sitting behind closed doors, hastily crafting
a 100-page health reform “compromise”, to be pushed through the legislature
with little or no public input over the course of the next 14 days, is deeply
irresponsible. Frankly, given the example of the energy deregulation bill,
we ought to know better.
Moreover, we lose nothing by taking advantage of the fact that the sessions of
the California legislature are two year sessions. Many of our major accomplishments,
most recently, AB 32, the bill related to greenhouse gas, took more than one
year to achieve. Next year’s Presidential campaigns will ensure that
health reform stays as the top of the agenda. More importantly, the issue
of health reform will continue to dominate because the people need it and want
it. What they want, and deserve, however, is responsible health reform,
not a new debacle that benefits the health insurance companies the way the electricity
bill benefited Enron.
Finally, we must not forget the reason that we are in this crisis to begin with. Health
care premiums changed by insurance companies continue to grow 3-4 times faster
than wages. A solution is needed that pays attention to adequate funding,
affordability, cost controls and quality.
Even if the Legislature should pass a last minute convoluted experiment in health
reform, there will still be a need to continue the work to enact a fully vetted,
Medicare-like single payer system that replaces the insurance companies with
a plan for all Californians, allows each person to choose their own providers,
and protects affordability, comprehensive coverage and quality. Such a
solution is the only sensible and tested way to achieve universal health care
responsibly. Whatever happens in the next two weeks, the movement for single
payer universal health care is continuing to grow, and SB 840 will continue as
its focal point, the only legislation that establishes the kind of truly universal,
modern and affordable health care system the people of California need and deserve.
California
Speaks: We
Want Single Payer
by Senator Sheila Kuehl
August 17, 2007
On August 11th, 2007, at the culminating and boisterous OneCareNow
rally in Los Angeles, as well as eight coordinated “listening” events
around the state, sponsored by Blue Shield and the California Endowment,
among others, a random selection of thousands of Californians spoke
out overwhelmingly in favor of major health care reform.
At the largest rally of the year, more than two thousand advocates,
patients, nurses, doctors and universal health care fans gathered
on the steps and lawns of the Los Angeles City Hall to excoriate
a health care system that does nothing but devastate working families
with systematic cancellations, denials and delays in care. This
doesn’t promote health, it isn’t care, and it certainly
isn’t a “system”-- it’s traumatizing and
often deadly for people who thought they would be given care, but,
instead, got nothing but a tangle of insurance red tape. Convinced
that single-payer universal health care is the only hope for fixing
our broken health care system, they gathered to support SB 840 (Kuehl),
the only truly universal health care plan proposed in legislation
that is shown to contain costs, improve health care quality and allow
Californians total choice of their doctors and hospitals.
Perhaps by design, on that same Saturday, health care foundations
(including Blue Shield Foundation, Kaiser Family Foundation and the
California Endowment) spent over $4 million on an event originally
spun as an exercise in "deliberative democracy", but in
reality was carefully structured to control discussion, in order
to ask randomly selected participants to discuss and “vote” on
their preferences for healthcare reform.
Naming the event CaliforniaSpeaks, organizers claimed the event would
bring together thousands of Californians to discuss their perspectives
on the current health reform proposals still under debate in Sacramento,
yet the agenda was careful to exclude single payer from the discussion. Organizers
of the event told us the reason that they didn’t include single
payer was because the governor said he wouldn’t sign it.
Apparently when they said the event was designed to give Californians the
chance to set the health care agenda, what they actually meant was
that the event would be an opportunity for the people to jump in
line with the Governor’s healthcare agenda. As
is often the case, the people had a different idea—they did,
in fact, jump; they jumped out of their seats demanding that single
payer and SB 840 be included in the discussion, forcing the organizers
to tack the issue on at the last minute at the end of the day.
The fact that participants were forced, on their own accord, to demand
the inclusion of single payer at the CaliforniaSpeaks events clearly
indicates that the conventional political message, mostly propagated
by the health insurance companies, has yet to understand that two
decades worth of traumatized patients and families, along with an
even higher consciousness of our failings set out in Michael Moore’s
new film, “SiCKO”, has changed health reform politics
forever. Consider the overwhelming standing ovation that Steve
Skvara received (add link - http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=C5SSyS5n6U4)
at last Tuesday’s Democratic Presidential Debate when he asked,
chocking back tears, “What’s wrong with America?”,
describing how his family lost their guaranteed retiree health coverage
when the company who owed it to him filed for bankruptcy. Skvara’s
story immediately resonated with millions of Americans across the
nation, and he became an instant online celebrity. Why? Because
he clearly illustrated our broken health care system and the abuses
of corporate greed. Skavara’s story is one of thousands
that are positioned to spark the simmering anger that a broad spectrum
of Americans feel toward our insurance based non-system.
California families are becoming so hurt and so incensed at insurance
company greed and abuse that they are increasingly willing, like
nurse Cynthia Campbell’s husband, to pick up a megaphone
and plead “Don’t Kill My Wife” in front of Blue
Shield’s headquarters. And the transformation crosses
the political spectrum. Art DeWerk, the Police Chief for the
central valley town of Ceres, spoke out recently in favor of single
payer as he described the helplessness he felt after his wife was
unable to get timely access to routine medical care as she battled
cancer.
These and other stories are found all too often in a health care
system where the only competition is between insurance companies
focused only on how much risk they can avoid, instead of the more
appropriate competition between direct health care providers for
quality service, driven by a single payer system that allows total
patient choice of doctors and hospitals. And stories like those set
out above, as well as others, even worse, will continue until we
ditch the “system” that spends 30% of every health care
dollar simply to weed out those of us who are sick enough to need
our coverage and move to a real universal healthcare system that
eliminates the middleman and returns decision making in healthcare
to doctors and patients.
By the end of Saturday’s “listening” event, after
everyone had discussed the intricacies of the incremental plans,
single payer surprised the organizers by polling better than the
others, with significantly more people saying they would support
it under any condition. For those who supported a generic single
payer system, but with conditions, SB 840 was, in fact, the only
plan that actually met all the conditions set out by the discussants. For
example, 53% of the participants statewide said they would support
single payer if they could choose their own doctors and hospitals. SB
840 guarantees this. In contrast, both mandates which define
the Governor’s policy paper and the Speaker of the Assembly’s
bill, AB 8, received support by the discussants only if there were
caps on costs and premiums. In fact, neither proposal currently
includes this provision.
Both the rally in Los Angeles and CaliforniaSpeaks showed us that
the people of California are way ahead of the Governor, as well as
the Speaker, with regard to healthcare. At the end of the day,
more participants felt that quality of care shouldn’t depend
on how much money you have, that everyone should have access, and
that greed should be kept out of the health care system.
Interestingly, and perhaps tellingly, later that same day, the Governor
was quoted on a Fresno news station as saying he would sign SB 840 “as
soon as we have the money for it”. Of course, the Lewin
Report, studying the factors set out in the bill, has already shown
how the plan will be funded. But, whether the Governor’s
pronouncement signals a serious shift in his thinking, it certainly
acknowledges the political momentum that SB 840 has garnered. I
welcome the conversation on funding, because we’ve got the
money. SB 840 can easily be achieved with our current health
care spending, personal, employer and state and federal. It
would use the money wasted by the insurance companies on denying
care to provide it, to all Californians, without co-pays or deductibles,
for one affordable premium each year. What we need is the political
will to catch up with the will of the people of California.
Press Release, June 6, 2007.
SB 840 Passes Senate Floor, heads to Assembly Health
Senator Sheila Kuehl invites Filmmaker Michael Moore and patient
witnesses to Legislative briefing next Tuesday discussing the soon
to be released documentary “SiCKO”
Large Rally to follow featuring Moore, Kuehl and the California
Nurses Association National premiere for “SiCKO” follows
later that evening at the CREST Theater
SACRAMENTO -- The California Universal Health Care Act, SB 840,
which establishes a single payer universal health care system
in California, passed the Senate Floor by a vote of 22-14 (final
vote of 24-16 expected) and now heads to the California State
Assembly.
SB 840 covers every California resident with comprehensive health
benefits, contains the growth in health care spending, and provides
patients with total choice over their doctors and hospitals.
“California is leading the nation on health care reform with passage
of SB 840,” stated Senator Kuehl. “This is the gold standard
for health reform and the only way to achieve the kind of health care system
that Californians want and deserve”.
Next Tuesday, Senator Kuehl, chair of the Senate Health Committee,
will chair a legislative briefing featuring filmmaker Michael Moore
and three witnesses who star in Moore’s upcoming film “SiCKO”.
Moore’s documentary is an up-close view of America’s
crumbling health care system and what the health care crisis has
meant in real terms for many insured Americans.
“This film will hopefully serve as a wake up call about the way that
insurance companies are mismanaging our healthcare system”, stated Senator
Kuehl. “It shows that insurance companies don’t really want
to improve care, they simply exist to avoid risk. As a result the system
doesn’t work for those who have any kind of medical risk. Sooner
or later that is every one of us.”
“Important documentaries like Michael Moore’s film lead people
to want to get involved”, stated Senator Kuehl, “SiCKO supports
the growing feeling in California that single payer universal health care is
inevitable.”
The briefing will take place on Tuesday, June 12th from 12:00
pm-1:30 pm at the State Capitol Room 4203. All media and
press are invited to attend. The briefing will be viewable
at multiple locations around the capitol.
A rally, sponsored by the California Nurses Association,
will take place at 2:00 on the West Steps of the Capitol.
Health care is
breaking our hearts
By Sheila Kuehl
Sacramento Bee
April 23, 2007
Over the last decade, our healthcare system has
become trapped in a continuous downward spiral: declining patient-care
quality, unaffordable yearly jumps in premiums and reduced benefits.
Insurance companies report record profits while salaries for primary-care
doctors are largely frozen and hospital emergency rooms operate
in the red. Every year we pay more, get less, and insurance companies
make off with the difference. Our past efforts at reform are like
a failed relationship that we can‚t seem to let go. We give
up more and more in the hope that something will change.
But, by any measure, our health-care system gets deeper in trouble.
There are 6.5 million uninsured in California. Our health-care
spending takes up 15 percent of our gross domestic product, and
it‚s growing much faster than our economy.
That means that health care is much more expensive relative to our incomes. The
growth in health-care spending is bankrupting our state, our businesses and working
families.
California, it's time to move on with our lives. It's time we ask
for what we really want and what we deserve: affordable, high-quality health
care for all.
Real universal health care is demonstrably possible. SB 840 (the California Universal
Healthcare Act), a bill I am carrying in the California Legislature, covers every
California resident with comprehensive, affordable health benefits, and contains
the growth of health-care spending while improving quality. Most importantly,
it gives patients total choice of their doctors and hospital.
It works by consolidating the money we--employers, families and government--currently
spend on health care. Everyone pays something in and everyone gets coverage--just
one affordable premium--without co-pays or deductibles. This allows us to reduce
the costs of administering our fragmented system from 30 percent of every health-care
dollar down to 5 percent, a savings of $20 billion in the first year.
The plan also puts California's purchasing power to work by giving the
state the ability to negotiate large discounts for prescription drugs and other
health-related goods. But SB 840 is not a radical change for how care is delivered.
The delivery system would remain fully private and subject to market competition.
This is the only plan that will bring California a truly universal, affordable
and modernized health-care system.
Second Essay
Senator Sheila Kuehl
January 16, 2007
This is my second essay for 2007. After my first essay, delineating
the four different proposals on health insurance coming to the
California Legislature this year, I received several requests to
further describe the Governor‚s proposal.
This essay sets forth the elements of his proposal, including recent changes
described by his staff, which have not been reported in the press. Visit my website
at www.sen.ca.gov/kuehl <http://165.107.32.93:7010/www.sen.ca.gov/kuehl%20> to
read my previous essays.
Reality vs. Press Releases
The Governor has consistently described
his proposal as "universal
healthcare",
promised it would cover all of California‚s children, and indicated that
everyone---doctors, hospitals, businesses, insurance companies and consumers---would
have "shared responsibility" in paying for the plan. The press has
dutifully repeated his phrases, in almost every case without a modicum of analysis.
The details of the proposal reveal quite a different picture.
The Bottom Line of the Governor's Proposal: Individual Mandate
The central basis of the Governor's plan is simply to mandate that every
Californian must, by law, carry health insurance. There is no requirement that
it be affordable and no minimum coverage. This means that the requirement can
be met by a bare-bones policy covering only catastrophic events, with a $5,000
deductible and up to $7500 in out of pocket expenses for all the things that
aren‚t covered by the policy.
This is not universal health insurance. Think for a moment about automobile insurance.
Even before Prop 103 passed, limiting the amounts by which insurance companies
could raise your auto insurance premiums to those approved by the Insurance Commissioner,
we all had to have auto insurance. Would you call it Universal Auto Insurance?
25% of Californians don‚t comply --- so many that we all have to carry
Uninsured Motorist Insurance, in effect paying more for those who are uninsured,
just as the Governor has suddenly discovered we do in the area of healthcare.
His proposal would simply continue this problem in the much more complicated
and important area of health insurance, with no controls on raises in premiums
and no requirement for comprehensive or even adequate coverage, so every Californian
could be required to pay high premiums, high deductibles, high co-pays and high
out of pocket expenses, for very little coverage.
Employer Mandate only on 20% of California employers
Conservatives in the Legislature have focused fiercely on what they call an employer
mandate. But the Governor's plan requires only those California businesses
that employ 10 or more to provide minimal coverage to their employees or to pay
4% of their payroll into a central government fund, which would then subsidize
the purchase of private insurance by their employees. Only 20% of California
businesses employ more than 10 people. Of these, 80% are already providing some
health insurance to their employees, at a cost of 9-11% of payroll. In a way,
this is an invitation to businesses to reduce what they pay for health insurance
for their employees. 4% of the payrolls of businesses with more than 10 employees
would not be sufficient to provide healthcare for their employees. With a limit
on what the businesses pay, but no limits on what employees pay under the mandate,
even more of the premiums, co-pays and costs would devolve on employees than
they do now.
Employees of businesses with fewer than 10 employees would be required,
under the individual mandate mentioned above, to buy insurance for themselves
and their families. Their employers would not be required to do anything.
Scope of Coverage Minimal
The Governor‚s proposal does not establish any minimums for the coverage
benefits that must be offered. As a matter of fact, in a recent addition to the
presentation of his proposal, the Governor called for more "flexibility
in insurance underwriting" and repeal of "excessive government regulation".
This means he would like to roll back even the most minimal requirements now
in the law for coverage but still require everyone to buy policies and pay whatever
premiums are charged.
This is not "cost-containment" as the Governor has indicated. This
is actually allowing the insurance companies to sell inadequate coverage to those
who wish to gamble that they won‚t need it, but are required to buy something
to comply with the law.
Cost Containment Proposals
The Governor's proposal contains no real cost containment measures. It
merely shifts the cost of unlimited premiums onto consumers. The proposal attempts
to label the fact that he would allow insurance companies to offer greatly reduced
coverage as "cost containment".
In addition to simply requiring less coverage, the Governor also proposes to
limit insurance company overhead to 15%, mirroring a bill I carried last year
which died under insurance company lobbying. This means that the companies must
pay out 85% of their premiums to providers, which could help provide more adequate
reimbursements to providers. It does not, however, affect the cost of healthcare.
Additionally, the Governor puts off seismic retrofit of hospitals again.
Low Income Californians
The Governor has indicated he wants to provide subsidies to help families with
incomes below 250% of the federal poverty level ($32,000 for single parent with
one child, $50,000 for family of four) fulfill their mandate to buy private insurance.
They would pay up to 6% of their income for the coverage by law, which, for some,
is significantly higher cost sharing than they might be paying now as Medi-Cal
beneficiaries. Families with incomes slightly above the level would be required
to buy insurance without subsidies.
Children
The Governor has indicated he would like to see all California‚s children
covered by insurance. Under his proposal, families would be subsidized as described
above, up to a certain level of income. Above that, children would be covered
by the requirements on adults to buy insurance.
Guaranteed Issue
Many have praised the Governor‚s proposal to require insurance companies
to cover all applicants, regardless of pre-existing conditions or prescribed
medications. The proposal also indicates there would be limits on how much those
with pre-existing conditions could be charged. It does not, however, address
the fact that the insurance companies would likely raise their overall premiums
to cover the new risks they would be required to assume.
Community Rating vs. Modified Community Rating
Related to guaranteed issue, in a way, is "community rating" because
a strict "community rating" system means that everyone in a geographic
area is taken into account in setting premiums and all in that area share the
risk. Although it does prevent one person in a pool from shouldering the burden
of their own condition, it is still a gentrified form of "redlining," as
area residents in one location would all be in a pool.
The Governor‚s most recent explanation of this section of the proposal,
however, could potentially exacerbate the problem by adopting a "modified" community
rating system that would allow the private insurance companies to differentiate
in premiums on the bases of age, gender and regionalized location. A strict "community
rating" system would not allow these differentiations, so, at the very least,
some clarification is needed.
Medi-Cal Reimbursements raised to Medicare levels
Payments to doctors and hospitals would be higher if the federal government agrees
to the raise. For all those not on Medi-Cal (California‚s coverage for
the poor), however, there would be no requirements concerning the level of payments
to healthcare providers made by private insurance companies.
Provider fees (or taxes, according to some)
Hospitals would be required to pay 4% of their gross revenues into the same fund
as large employers to help subsidize insurance for the poor. Physicians would
be required to pay 2% of gross revenues. Logically, this means that, should doctors
and hospitals raise their fees to adjust for these taxes, the sick would be paying
a disproportionate share of subsidizing health insurance for the poor.
Hospital Funds Redirected to Insurance Companies
The Governor's proposal takes most of the money now directed to hospitals
to pay the costs of caring for the indigent and uses it to buy insurance for
the indigent. Such a shift could actually lessen the money actually spent on
indigent care as insurance company overhead is allowed, under the Governor‚s
proposal, to be as high as 15%. (In most companies, it‚s now as high
as 30%).
Prevention, Health Promotion and Wellness
The Governor's proposal requires Medi-Cal, Healthy Families, health plans
and insurers to offer a health benefit package that provides incentives for healthy
behavior, such as gym memberships or Weight Watchers programs. It also proposes
ways to improve health status and reduce risk factors in programs related to
diabetes, medical errors, obesity and tobacco use.
What Happens Now?
The Governor's proposal is seeking a legislative author. When one
is found, a bill will be introduced, either in the Senate or the Assembly and
will be heard by the Health Committee in that House, the fiscal committee, go
for a Floor vote and start all over in the other House. There will be heavy
negotiation between the Speaker of the Assembly, the President of the Senate
and the Governor as to any legislation to be adopted in this session. At
the same time, my single payer bill, SB 840, will be reintroduced and follow
a similar, but parallel, track.
Stay tuned and stay informed.
Essay
Senator Sheila Kuehl
January 10, 2007
This is my first essay
for 2007. It addresses the topic that seems to be on everyone’s
minds, lips and agenda this year: healthcare.
These essays are my presentation of facts not generally reported
or summarized by the press. Visit my website at www.sen.ca.gov/kuehl
to read my previous essays. For those of you who received this
essay by forwarding, it is written by California State Senator
Sheila Kuehl.
First, A Few Factoids about California and Healthcare
One in five Californians has no health insurance at all and most
of these people are average working people. Usually, their employer
is one of the many who does not provide healthcare coverage and
they don’t make enough to pay for an individual policy for
them and their family.
Of those Californians who do have insurance, many are underinsured
and are very surprised to discover that their insurance doesn’t
cover a large chunk of their costs if they get sick or injured.
In fact half of all the personal bankruptcies in America are caused
by medical costs and three-quarters of those bankrupted had insurance
at the time they became ill or injured.
People are also very worried about losing the insurance they might
get at work because employers are, more and more, cutting back
on health insurance and other benefits and, of course, losing or
changing your job means losing your insurance.
Plenty of money is being spent on healthcare-one out of every six
dollars spent in America, it’s just not spent to cover everyone.
And, while spending generally has risen by 7.5%, insurance premiums
have gone up by double-digits every year for the last five. Wages
have increased only 1.7%. Costs are getting shifted to patients
and physicians are not getting reimbursed for their work.
In order to save money, insurance companies deny claims and treatments,
narrow provider networks, exclude more and more people for “pre-existing
conditions” or because they take certain kinds of prescription
drugs (most of the most popular ones) or work in a particular field.
A Field Poll commissioned by the California Wellness Foundation
revealed that 80% of Californians want the government to guarantee
access to affordable healthcare coverage. When asked why healthcare
costs are increasing, the majority pointed to excessive insurance
company profits, followed by waste, fraud and inefficiency.
Four Healthcare Plans In Legislature
Finally, this year, healthcare is getting a lot of attention in
Sacramento. As Chair of the Senate Health Committee, I am committed
to working with all stakeholders: the Governor, the Legislature,
medical professionals, labor, business and consumers--to work out
whatever incremental reform measures can be developed for this
session, at the same time as the Legislature and I continue to
work on the universal healthcare bill I have authored for the past
four years.
In February, I will reintroduce the most comprehensive solution
to the current health care crisis, Senate Bill 840. SB 840 is the
only proposal that establishes universal, affordable, comprehensive
health insurance for all Californians and that guarantees the right
of each patient to choose his or her own doctor. SB 840 replaces
insurance companies with a state-wide trust fund that collects
premiums paid by employers and individuals, sharing the responsibility
for funding. This reduces the administrative portion of California's
healthcare costs from nearly 30% to under 10%. With everyone in
one risk pool, no one is denied coverage for a so-called pre-existing
condition. Consumers are free to change jobs; start a business;
go to school or start a family without losing the doctors they
trust. The Governor says currently that he will not sign a universal
insurance bill. Nevertheless, the Legislature will continue to
develop the plan as the only long-term, universal solution to the
health crisis that is going to quickly outgrow any short term incremental
reform.
There are three other developing short term plans to be considered
this session. Each has its virtues and a number of problems. The
outstanding questions that must be resolved by any meaningful short
term reform proposal are: will middle-class consumers who cannot
now afford health insurance or qualify for Medi-Cal get the quality
coverage they need; and will hospitals and doctors see any relief
from the burdens that are putting so many of them out of business?
Proposal by President of the Senate
State Senate President pro tem Don Perata's Senate Bill 48 would
cover Californians who are employed, as well as their dependants.
Employers could either spend a percentage of their payroll toward
employee health insurance or pay an equivalent amount into a health
care trust fund. The fund would then buy a few insurance plans
from private insurance companies, and uninsured employees would
be required to pick one. Insurance companies wanting to offer coverage
through the fund would be required to restrain administrative expenses
and provide a basic level of benefits. Working individuals would
be required to purchase coverage for themselves and their dependants.
The plan also expands children’s eligibility for existing
public programs. The bill does not indicate if all employees must
be covered when employers provide the insurance, nor what basic
coverage is required, which could leave many workers without coverage
and mandated to buy it themselves. The bill is still sketchy and
will be worked on throughout the year, along with the two set out
below.
Proposal by the Speaker of the Assembly
Assembly Bill 13, by Assembly Speaker Fabian Nunez, covers employees
and their dependents through a purchasing pool of fees paid by
employers that have two or more employees and do not offer health
care coverage. This pool buys healthcare coverage from private
insurance companies. Workers offered coverage from their employers
would be required to accept coverage for themselves and their dependants
unless premiums and out-of-pocket costs exceed a certain level
of income, in which case they can buy their insurance from the
pool. The money paid for premiums would be pre-tax dollars. Individuals
and the self-employed could buy in to the pool, which would offer
a choice among several plans, each of which must provide at least
a minimum set of benefits. Lately, there has been a proliferation
of so-called "basic" plans, so minimal they are really
a sham, requiring huge deductibles; offering no pregnancy coverage,
and offering very low hospital reimbursement rates. Both legislative
proposals would try to set a floor for benefits from employers
and from the pool. Again, affordability, funding and coverage issues
remain to be worked out.
Proposal by the Governor
The foundation of the Governor’s plan is a mandate requiring
every Californian to have health insurance. The proposal would
allow, and even encourage, the proliferation of bare-bones plans
with deductibles as high as $5,000 as well as requiring patients
to spend an additional $7500 for procedures refused by their insurance
company. This very troubling proposal does not at all address how
plans will be affordable or adequate for Californians who are mandated
to buy them, nor who will pay for uncovered procedures above the
$12,500 ceiling. In addition, every employer is required to spend
4 % of payroll to buy insurance, either from insurance companies
directly or through a state fund. This percentage of payroll is
not actually sufficient to purchase insurance for the working uninsured
and there is no limit to what employees would pay, no cost control
and therefore, no premium control.
The Governor, like Sen. Perata and Speaker Nunez, would use public
monies to cover all children living in families earning less than
300% of the Federal Poverty Guidelines (about $39,000 for a single
parent with one child or $60,000 for a family of four) by buying
insurance, again from private companies. No plan details exactly
how the rest of California’s uninsured children would be
covered. He also calls for significantly increasing reimbursements
paid to providers under public programs by billions of dollars.
Under the Governor’s proposal, a portion of the funding for
all of this would come from a tax on providers such as doctors
and hospitals, as well as hoped for increases in federal monies.
Additionally, the Governor would take money now paid to hospitals
to treat indigent people and redirect it to private insurers to
buy insurance for the poor. This creates an immediate problem for
hospitals which are already closing at alarming rates due to inadequate
reimbursements from private insurance companies along with the
cost of caring for the uninsured.
Finally, the Governor would adopt President Bush's plan for individual “Health
Savings Accounts” by requiring employers to “allow” employees
to put away money, pre-tax, to pay for unreimbursed medical expenses.
Health Savings Accounts effectively enable insurance companies
to shift the costs and liability of healthcare away from them and
on to consumers. Such a plan will not benefit people who are already
too strapped to meet current expenses and it does nothing to expand
coverage or affordability.
Actions in 2007
This year, and perhaps the next, the Legislature will work out
some compromise measures as between Sen. Perata’s plan, the
Speaker’s plan and the Governor’s plan. At the same
time, we will continue to work on the long-term solution which
must be universal, affordable, comprehensive in its coverage and
protect choice of providers and quality. So far, that’s only
SB 840. Any incremental legislation must surely move us in that
direction and, at the very least, Do No Harm.
A second, third and fourth
opinion on healthcare
Sheila James Kuehl
Los Angeles Times
January 9, 2007
IF ATTENTION IS the precursor to action, something might finally be done in Sacramento
about the dismal state of healthcare insurance in California.
Four healthcare proposals are now before the Legislature, including one crafted
by Gov. Arnold Schwarzenegger, which will be spotlighted in his State of the
State address tonight.
Unfortunately, that plan and two others - state Senate President Pro Tem Don
Perata's SB 48 and Assembly Speaker Fabian Nuñez's AB 13 - are short-term
solutions that have the potential to expand coverage but at the end of the day
can't be relied on to achieve what 80% of Californians say they want: a government
guarantee of access to affordable healthcare coverage in the state.
In SB 48, all employers could either spend a percentage of their payroll toward
employee health insurance or pay an equivalent amount into a healthcare trust
fund, which would offer plans from private insurers. Insurance companies that
wanted to participate in the fund would be required to restrain administrative
expenses and provide a basic level of benefits. Working individuals would be
required to purchase coverage for themselves and their dependants via their employers
or the fund; out-of-pocket costs would be limited. For the unemployed, the plan
would also expand children's eligibility for the existing Healthy Families program.
AB 13 covers otherwise uninsured employees and their dependents through a purchasing
pool paid for by employers that have two or more employees and do not offer healthcare
coverage. As with the trust fund in Perata's bill, this pool would offer healthcare
coverage from private insurance companies. Workers offered coverage from their
employers would be required to accept it unless premiums and out-of-pocket costs
exceeded a certain level, in which case they could buy insurance from the pool.
Individuals and the self-employed could buy into the pool, which would offer
several plans, each of which would provide a minimum set of benefits. As with
the Perata bill, the Healthy Families plan would be expanded to offer more public
healthcare for the poorest children.
In their present forms, these bills are limited because they emphasize covering
the employed and because they mandate that insurance will be funded by a percentage
of wages, which may not be enough for all workers in the state, much less all
Californians. Nor do these bills specify what is meant by basic coverage, which
may mean that the insurance that is offered isn't adequate.
Schwarzenegger's plan, which was unveiled Monday, doesn't do anything to solve
these problems and creates some new ones. His plan mandates that every individual
have insurance (not just every worker), yet it doesn't ensure that coverage will
be comprehensive and affordable.
Schwarzenegger also calls for increasing reimbursements paid to providers under
public programs by billions of dollars. Like Perata and Nuñez, the governor
would expand the Healthy Families program to help pay for insurance for the poorest
children in the state.
How does he pay for it? Individuals and employers will contribute, but employers
are required to spend only 4% of payroll to insure their employees, or contribute
the same amount to a state fund. This is not sufficient to purchase insurance
for the working uninsured, who will be required to have it. This means that the
governor's plan can at best provide high-cost, low-benefit plans for many Californians;
it limits what employers pay but not what individuals must pay or what insurance
companies can charge.
A portion of the funding for the plan would also come from federal money that
is at this point only "hoped for." There also would be a tax on providers,
such as doctors and hospitals, and the governor would redirect public money now
spent on poor people in hospitals to insurance companies. This would create an
immediate problem for hospitals, which are already closing because of inadequate
reimbursement from private insurance companies.
Finally, the governor would adopt President Bush's plan for individual health
savings accounts by requiring employers to "allow" employees to put
away money, pretax, to pay for unreimbursed medical expenses. These accounts
effectively shift the costs and liability of healthcare away from insurance companies
and onto consumers. Such a plan would not benefit people who are already too
strapped to meet current expenses, and it does nothing to expand coverage or
affordability.
The fourth proposal before the Legislature is SB 840, which I wrote last year.
It is the only proposal that establishes universal, affordable, comprehensive
health insurance for all Californians and guarantees the right of each patient
to choose his or her doctor.
SB 840 would replace insurance companies with a statewide trust fund that collects
premiums paid by employers and individuals, who together would share the responsibility
for funding the program. The creation of a single state fund reduces the administrative
portion of California's healthcare costs from nearly 30% to under 10%. With everyone
in one pool, which spreads the risk as widely as possible, no one would be denied
coverage for a preexisting condition. Individuals would be free to change jobs,
start a business, go to school or start a family without losing coverage or doctors
they trust.
SB 840 mandates truly comprehensive coverage; it keeps down the overall cost
of healthcare; and it specifically limits the out-of-pocket costs to individuals.
The governor says he will not sign a universal insurance bill. Nevertheless,
the Legislature will continue to develop the plan as the only long-term, universal
solution to the health crisis.
I'm committed to working with all stakeholders - the governor, the Legislature,
medical professionals, labor, business and consumers - to craft real healthcare
reform this session. I believe that SB 840 provides the best way to meet the
goal of universal healthcare for Californians.
Any other incremental reform must move us toward that goal.
State Senator Sheila Kuehl
Named Health Committee Chair
FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE January 3, 2007
Contact: Robin Podolsky at (310) 441-9084
SACRAMENTO - On January 3rd, State Senator Sheila Kuehl (D-23rd District) began
her work as the new chair of the State Senate Health Committee. Senator
Kuehl is the author of SB 840, a universal healthcare bill that overwhelmingly
passed both houses of the Legislature last year and was vetoed by Gov. Schwarzenegger.
"I see a dual role for myself this year," Senator Kuehl reports. "I
will re-introduce SB 840, as I continue to believe it is the best way to control
costs and provide comprehensive and quality health insurance for every Californian
at an affordable rate." SB 840 also guarantees the right of each
Californian to choose his or her own doctor and continues to foster competition
among private healthcare providers and pharmaceutical drug companies. The
bill would have replaced all current healthcare coverage premiums, co-pays, deductibles
and out of pocket expenses with a single yearly premium for individuals and businesses,
assessed on the basis of income. It would also sharply reduce the administrative
costs that are bloating the healthcare budget with a single, streamlined claims
and reimbursement system.
"As Chair of the Senate Health Committee," Senator Kuehl continued, "I
will also work very closely with Senator Perata and with State Assembly Speaker
Fabian Nuñez, who have introduced healthcare reform legislation of their
own, as well as with the Governor and his staff, to bring together a number of
disparate proposals and craft the kind of incremental plans that might help get
coverage to at least some of the 7 million uninsured Californians. It is
very heartening to those of us who have been working on this issue for years
to see that the healthcare crisis in California is finally getting the attention
it requires," said Senator Kuehl. "One in five Californians
is uninsured, and those of us fortunate enough to have health insurance are seeing
our costs increase while our coverage shrinks."
"I look forward to working with my colleagues to consider all of the ways
in which we can offer each consumer the comprehensive coverage, personal choice,
quality care and cost relief that they require and deserve. We will be
having a respectful and robust conversation about this complex and urgent problem
and we will move beyond debate into action."
SB 840 will be re-introduced in February.
Senator Sheila
Kuehl
Tikkun Magazine
November 2006
As the State Senator for the 23rd Senate District in California, I represent
almost a million people on the west end of Los Angeles County and the southern
part of Ventura County. It's a diverse district, culturally, economically,
religiously, containing some of the wealthiest neighborhoods in the state,
as well as working class neighborhoods where one of the most urgent issues is
gang violence. There are high-rise urban neighborhoods, suburbs, agricultural
areas, some of the most beautiful wild land in the state, and miles of gorgeous
coastline.
My constituents are bus drivers, movie stars, shop owners, social workers and
teachers. My job brings me into frequent meetings with Chambers of Commerce,
union members and leaders, entertainment industry leaders and representatives
of their crews, law enforcement officers, gangland peace brokers, doctors, lawyers
and Native American tribes. I find it interesting that, no matter how diverse
the group or the subject matter of a meeting, talk inevitably comes around to
health care and how our health care system is broken.
The facts are chilling. In California, nearly one of every five persons lives
without any health care coverage at all. Over 80 percent of these uninsured are
employed. Even though various solutions to the crisis have been brought to the
Legislature or proposed by initiative over the last few years, we (like the rest
of the country) find it easier to agree about the extent of the problem than
about a solution.
Some aspects of what the people want are clear enough. Over and over, we are
told that individuals want the right to choose their own doctors. Doctors want
to regain control over their patients' care, they don't want
insurance company bean counters telling them what to do. Patients and doctors
want evidence-based standards for appropriate medical care, not formularies
dictated by pharmaceutical companies.
People don't want insurance companies passing judgment on their healthcare and
they don't want the government to own the doctors and hospitals, either.
They want quality and choice, and they don't want to have to choose between
medical care and their life savings, or between medical care and food.
The Costs of Our Current System
The health care crisis doesn't just affect the poor and the
working poor. A study in Health Affairs this past February reported
that about half of personal bankruptcies result from medical expenses.
People who declare bankruptcy are people with assets to protect.
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